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Executive Article

Security Issue: Energy Policies Need Top Priority

Written by
Thos. E. Capps
Chairman, President and CEO, Dominion
for the
Richmond Times-Dispatch

November 14, 2001


The devastating September 11 terrorist attacks catapulted national-security concerns ahead of all others on the nation's political agenda.
The debate about energy policy and the so-called energy crisis that dominated headlines and newscasts earlier this year were sidetracked as Congress and the administration focused on a response to terrorism at home and abroad.

That's understandable. National defense and the war on terrorism must be our government's top priority.

But let me offer a suggestion - one with which I think many of our leaders will agree. Energy policy is inextricably linked to our nation's long-term security. And a comprehensive energy strategy must be part of our effort to strengthen the national defense and protect America's economy. There was ample reason to support that view before September 11. The case is even more compelling now.

The American people seem to agree. More than 80 percent of those Americans surveyed in a recent poll commissioned by the American Gas Association expressed strong support for congressional passage of a comprehensive energy bill.

President Bush recently said, "We've spent a lot of time talking about homeland security. An integral piece of homeland security is energy independence."

Add Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle's voice to the chorus. He recently promised Senate action on energy legislation before adjournment this fall.

Address Immediate Needs

The message is clear: Congress should seize the moment and bring direction, common sense, and - above all - self-sufficiency to our nation's energy policy. This legislation should address some immediate needs to protect our energy infrastructure from attack and other emergencies. It should also take a longer view and deal with many unresolved energy supply and delivery concerns. These vital issues have suffered too long from back-burner treatment in Washington.

Today's global landscape leaves no doubt that energy security goes hand in hand with the nation's long-term interests.

The report issued by Vice President Dick Cheney's energy group last April is a good starting point for action. The task force decried the nation's dependence on foreign sources of energy, especially oil.

Petroleum accounts for about 40 percent of the energy America consumes, including almost all of our transportation fuels. Imports account for about 58 percent of the total, most of which originates with the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).

This state-owned, 11-member cartel controls world oil prices by increasing and decreasing supply. It's not exactly what you'd call a free-market system. In fact, some refer to OPEC's strategic manipulation of oil supply as a form of global economic warfare. Virtually all of the world's surplus production capacity lies in OPEC countries, especially Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

Memories of Oil Embargo

Those of us who were around 30 years ago remember the embargo that brought on the 1973-74 oil crisis. Energy prices skyrocketed when OPEC turned off the oil spigot. And let's not forget that the embargo was led - not by some militant rogue state - but by Saudi Arabia, a country usually considered an ally of the U.S.

Let's also not forget the threat posed a decade ago by Saddam Hussein's aggression in the Persian Gulf region.

Today, more than ever, our country is vulnerable to economic extortion and blackmail. It might surprise many taxpayers to know we're spending $12 million a day on oil from Iraq. What if terrorists were to attack the flow of oil to the West? And what would be the economic repercussions of paying $100 a barrel for oil from Saudi Arabia - five times the current price? A scenario like that might have seemed implausible before September 11, but it's not anymore. The sooner we wean ourselves from dependence on OPEC oil, the better.

One way to address this vulnerability is to diversify our sources of oil. First and foremost, we must look homeward and develop the oil and natural gas resources in our own backyard.

The United States is rich in natural resources, but much of the resource base is currently off limits to development. That includes the Atlantic and Pacific outer continental shelves and federal lands in the Rocky Mountain Basin.

Our nation currently uses the equivalent of about 22 trillion cubic feet (tcf) of natural gas a year. Demand is expected to rise to 30 tcf by 2010 - an increase of 36 percent. Gas supplies, however, aren't expected to grow more than 2 percent a year over the coming decade. Production from existing wells is declining 20 percent a year nationwide. And in the Gulf of Mexico, which accounts for more than one-quarter of domestic annual production, the decline rate exceeds 35 percent.

For supplies to increase enough to meet projected annual demand growth, our nation will have to add about 5 tcf of new production a year - a level the industry wasn't able to achieve during the past decade. The U.S. Bureau of Land Management simply must free up additional acreage for exploration.

Open Refuge for Exploration

Alaska's Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, commonly known as ANWR, should also be opened for exploration. The reserve is composed of more than 19 million acres of land - 92 percent of which can't be legally developed. Oil drilling and exploration would affect only 2,000 acres of the refuge - 1/100th of 1 percent of the total acreage. That would be like developing a parcel of land the size of Dulles Airport within the entire state of South Carolina.

Quite correctly, the Bush administration supports drilling in ANWR, which experts tell us could provide up to 2 millions barrels of crude oil per day. Unfortunately, the mere mention of ANWR drilling unleashes a torrent of criticism from some special interest groups.

Loud dissent, however, can't disguise the fact that ANWR drilling is a topic that needs further airing and debate. I'm convinced we can explore the reserve and extract oil in a manner that protects the ecosystem while helping to meet vital energy needs. Advances in technology will reduce environmental impacts even more as time goes by. Let's make decisions about ANWR drilling on the basis of fact and reason - and reject the unbridled hysteria that so often has characterized its opponents.

Somehow our nation must come to grips with the need for more domestic oil and natural gas production. The strategic significance of these resources grows by the day.

The absence of a comprehensive energy policy also has hamstrung U.S. competitiveness in exploration and production markets. Antiquated tax laws have squeezed the flow of investment capital and discouraged industry from expanding our domestic oil and gas resource base.

Advanced drilling technologies and efficiency improvements in both onshore and offshore rigs could get the job done - while minimizing environmental damage at the same time. The increase in domestic production also would create countless business opportunities and skilled jobs for Americans.

In addition to oil and gas, we must expand the use of coal and nuclear power. Coal is an abundant domestic resource. More research funds need to go into developing clean-coal technologies to reduce environmental emissions. Promising new nuclear technologies need additional funding as well. If we're really worried about global warming and air quality, how can we not take a closer look at the nuclear option?

Developing Clean Coal

Conservation, greater energy efficiency, improved vehicle fuel economy standards, and renewable sources of energy also should be part of the mix. Many of these renewable technologies hold great promise. But their role is more limited, at least for the foreseeable future.

Finding and developing new sources of energy supply is a critical need facing our nation. But we can't ignore how that energy will get to the consumer.

The national power grid is in dire need of a facelift. Transmission systems across the country often are taxed to their physical limits. But nothing of any significance is being built, and hasn't been for a long time. The reasons are many and complex. But it boils down to this: Building new lines is a bad business decision. Allowable returns on investment are low, regulatory red tape is abundant, and siting problems can be overwhelming.

Part of the problem is public opposition - the "not-in-my-backyard" syndrome, but another part of the problem is regulatory confusion and overlap. Proposed lines must cut across numerous federal and state regulatory jurisdictions. They often require multiple approvals. One jurisdiction, acting on its own, effectively can kill a project with regional or even national benefits. We need regulatory reform - not only to provide industry with the financial incentives to build transmission projects - but also to iron out jurisdictional conflicts that tie up projects for years.

Increasing Competition

Above all, it's crucial to sustain the momentum toward greater competition in both wholesale and retail electricity markets. We've made great strides through the efforts of Congress, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, and many states, including Virginia.

Vigorous wholesale competition is now a fact of life in the electricity business, providing the impetus for a construction boom in new power facilities after years of inactivity. The prospect of retail competition, which begins on New Year's Day in Virginia, also holds great long-term promise for consumers. The national movement to deregulate electricity markets will play a major role in assuring adequate power supplies for the future.

These are some of the many important issues that Congress must tackle when serious debate resumes on our energy challenges. Nothing less than our national security and future economic prosperity are at stake.

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